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Reasons not to vote EFF?

My previous column elicited a wide range of public and private responses that have caused me to reflect again on my decision to vote for the EFF in 2014.

Having considered most of these arguments — and more — before stating my intention to vote for the EFF, I think that I owe it to those who have thoughtfully responded to that column and to those who are genuinely wrestling with who to vote for, to address these questions a little more.

“The EFF’s economic policies will ruin the country.”

The ANC and DA have similar economic policies that, for example, emphasise growth as a prerequisite for job creation. However, lessons from our continent, which hosts seven of the fastest-growing economies in the world, show that GDP growth does not necessarily translate into better employment prospects or higher development indicators for the citizens of those countries. On the contrary, such growth has often resulted in the (relatively) rich getting wealthier while inequality, job losses and unemployment (direct results of these economic policies) ruin many people’s lives. Inequality and poverty are deepened and thus impact on the economy as we witness daily through regular protest actions, strikes, crime, etc that impact on investment and the volatility of our currency. This is the context for the EFF’s policies on nationalisation and land redistribution that will, at the very minimum, contribute to a necessary national debate (perhaps an economic Codesa?) about the best policies to address our key challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality, since the economic policies that we currently have are not working, except for an elite.

“The EFF’s militant race language makes it impossible for those who believe in a non-racial society to vote for it.”

The widely-held view — backed by facts — is that while black people have political power, whites maintain ownership of the key levers of economic power. At least part of the anger vented against the ANC is that “clever whites” have “bought” the ANC’s key leadership and made them turn against the interests of the majority of people. The Diagnostic Study of the National Planning Commission shows that income for both the top 20% and the bottom 20% increased by 45% over an extended period of time, but obviously, this was off substantially different bases, thereby increasing inequality. The “rainbow nation” exists only for a multiracial elite, while most people who are poor are excluded socially. Until the gap between those who have (many of them white) and those who don’t (overwhelmingly black) is closed, we should expect to have more militant race-based language.

If you are against corruption and are not voting for the ruling party because of its promotion and defence of corrupt activities, how can you vote for a party whose leader is facing corruption charges and who clearly obtained much of his wealth through corrupt activities?

Corruption is indeed a major scourge of our times. It is indefensible and anyone — including Malema — charged with corruption, should be tried in court and face the consequences, rather than being slapped over the wrists or having charges withdrawn as we have seen on too many occasions.

I — as I’m sure would anyone, including those who will vote for the ANC — would prefer to vote for a party whose leadership was not facing corruption charges or tainted by corruption; that I have chosen to vote for the EFF in such circumstances, reflects the limited options we have available at this time.

Corruption is not only a political and economic issue; it is also an ethical or moral one. In the same way as apartheid was a moral — as well as a political and economic — issue, so inequality and poverty today are not only economic and political challenges, they also represent a deeply moral challenge.

It is by no means a justification or defence of corruption or of the corrupt, but in my view, those who often take the moral high ground on corruption, display much less fervour with regard to the moral challenges of poverty and inequality, mainly because they are generally well-off. The policies of the two ruling parties in the country — the ANC and the DA — have not only failed to address the fundamentally moral issues of poverty and inequality, they have actively contributed to these.

The EFF is a vehicle — indeed, an ironic and by no means a perfect one — to foreground the political, economic and moral questions to do with growing inequality and poverty that affect the majority of our citizens.

“By voting for the EFF, you will be empowering Malema who is a rising tyrant, a fascist, a demagogue who reveres Mugabe and a non-democrat in that he has not been elected by party members.”

One does not have to be a member to vote for any party, and by voting for a party, one does not necessarily endorse all its policies, practices or utterances of its leadership. From the electoral challenge to his ANC presidency at Mangaung and the jeers he received at Madiba’s memorial, it is clear that many will vote for the ANC while not necessarily endorsing Zuma’s leadership. Similarly, not all who vote for the DA support its black-empowerment policies (whatever these may be today), nor necessarily appreciate Zille’s style of leadership.

Mamphela Ramphele has not been elected by party members yet, and Cope only sorted out its leadership issues through an elective conference more than five years after its launch.

My basic point — a theme recurrent through most of my arguments — is that the stark and gross inequalities with its attendant unemployment, poverty and social challenges, create the conditions in which militancy, anti-democratic (in a middle-class sense) behaviour, demagoguery, radical economic proposals, etc take root and are given expression. Our general inclination often is to respond to the symptoms, while caring little for the deep causes of unhappiness in our society.

“The EFF is opportunistic; for example, see its alliance with the IFP.”

The EFF is facing criticism from within its own ranks for its apparent electoral alliance with the IFP which “has black blood on its hands”. As I understand it though, the EFF is keen to campaign in Zuma’s heartland and most important electoral base, KwaZulu-Natal. Most past elections have seen rising tensions between the IFP and ANC supporters in that province that have led to blood being spilt. I may be wrong, but the meeting between the EFF and the IFP was to anticipate such tensions between the parties and to reach an agreement that the EFF could campaign in the region without the threat of violence from the IFP.

Even if it is some kind of electoral alliance though, how different — or more opportunistic — is this than the very foundations of the Democratic Alliance as an amalgamation of apartheid’s ruling party and the opposition party of the apartheid era? Or the embracing of the leadership of the National Party (now there’s a party with black blood on its hands!) by the ANC, with a former leader of that party serving in the ANC government’s Cabinet, and with members of parties in the tricameral parliamentary system now also senior members of the ANC?

“If they come into power, the EFF will destroy the arts.”

This is one of the arguments that I had NOT considered. Perhaps because it is irrational and baseless? This is a case of “giving a dog a bad name … ”. Fana Mokoena — a well-known actor — is in the leadership of the EFF, and is unlikely to be there if the EFF is set on “destroying the arts”. The arts and culture sector would do well at this point in our democracy to reflect on where it is located within our society and on whose interests it serves.

“If one is voting tactically to reduce support for the ANC, why not vote for the DA with its proven track record?”

Even its harshest critics grudgingly concede that the DA has a sound governance record relative to the ANC at national and provincial levels and when using independent indicators such as the reports of the auditor-general. However, the economic policies of the DA are similar to those of the ANC, and inequality, poverty and unemployment are — while below the national averages — very high in a DA-run province and city that pride themselves in their economic and governance records, begging the questions, economic growth and governance for whom?

It is in answer to the latter question that the DA fails dismally for while the electorate in the Western Cape is more than 80% black (in its broad definition) and with more than 50% women, the 11-person provincial cabinet comprises one woman (the premier) and seven white people. The governing semiotics are just plain wrong.

Similarly, the Cape Town’s mayoral committee comprises a majority of white members, despite the electorate here too being overwhelmingly black. The very real perception is that the DA first and foremost promotes and defends the interests of those privileged under apartheid. Many DA supporters cannot understand why it is that black voters — disillusioned by the ANC — nevertheless vote for the ANC. Maybe it’s because the majority of people remember what it was like to live under a white minority government? The DA’s record in the City of Cape Town and in the Western Cape perpetuates white minority rule and as such have given the perfect sticks to the ANC and the EFF with which to beat it. When the DA — with its roots in the National Party and Democratic Party of the apartheid era — appoints a government with nearly two-thirds of its cabinet being white in a province where more than 80% of the electorate is black, can its supporters really wonder why it is that there is such antagonism towards it, such anti-white sentiment, such rising militancy?

In the context of the 2014 elections and with the options available to us (Cope will be punished by the voters rightly for its leadership battles and with rumours of Agang imploding financially, losing staff, as well as the DA indicating that they are preserving a position on their list for Ramphele, voters would shy away from this option), there is little doubt in my mind that the EFF represents the best option to reduce the electoral power of the ANC, and through its militant language, policies and actions that will indeed threaten the status quo, perhaps force those in power more urgently to address the moral questions of inequality and poverty that, 20 years into our democracy, have worsened the lives of many of our citizens.

We are in a watershed year that will help to change our political landscape for the better. The decision by the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa) to withdraw its electoral support for the ANC is significant not only because of the potential loss of votes for the ANC, but because of Numsa’s decision to explore the establishment of a new political party. The manner in which it is going about this at the moment — consulting broadly with all progressive sectors of civil society — may lead to a “bottom up” party with a community base and structure not unlike that of the United Democratic Front.

By the municipal elections in 2016, I would hope that the voting options available to us would be more principled, more democratic, more disciplined, more rooted in communities to take up their struggles on a daily basis than only to use them as voting fodder to serve elite interests.

Voting EFF in 2014 will help to rupture the political status quo towards this end.

Author

28 Comments

  1. aim for the culprits aim for the culprits 27 January 2014

    thank goodness you are a fiction writing playwright!

  2. Garg Unzola Garg Unzola 28 January 2014

    1. It’s true that the EFF’s economic policies will ruin the country. The fact that the DA and the ANC’s economic policies are similar is merely reasons not to vote for them.

    It would however be great to get the facts straight:

    http://www.heritage.org/index/

    GDP growth is a silly measure and it doesn’t necessarily indicate what it’s taken to indicate, but this doesn’t mean policies that result in GDP growth as a side effect are flawed.

    And it doesn’t mean that the ANC or the DA’s policies are geared for growth. Both are equally flawed in this regard, they’re just not as bad as EFF policies.

    2. Malema is also facing corruption charges, so if you don’ t want to vote for corruption, you aren’t improving on this front by voting EFF.

    3. The EFF are populists and keen on revolutionary rhetoric. We’re over that.

    4. The DA doesn’t have a proven track record, unless you enjoy having petty by-laws and pointless nannying from the state.

    I still think it’s idiotic to vote for the EFF, but perhaps not as bad as voting DA or ANC.

  3. Merry Freeman Merry Freeman 28 January 2014

    Give this man a bell!

  4. Grant Grant 28 January 2014

    Nicely spun! I am not worried about any of that stuff. What I am worried about are two simple things:

    1) Track record. The ANC ran the struggle very successfully and the country in a mediocre manner. The DA run Cape Town and their party like professionals and they get the job done right. Malema ran the ANCYL into the ground. He is a very smart man with a giant mouth but with no organisational skills to back up his clever politics and an ego to big to attract anyone who has them.

    2) His methods are always confrontational, abrasive and most especially divisive. We do not need another fight here. We need great bureaucrats and powerful institutions not some man grabbing land and giving it to poor people which any economist will tell you is a recipe for collapse and not for narrowing the income gap. We need to educate people to a much higher level so that they become more valuable in our economy, not give them a patch of ground and some chickens where once a huge farming operation once churned out cost effective food.

    That said, love the red beret and I can see why you want one.

  5. Derek Derek 28 January 2014

    I agree with you Mike – I think a vote for EFF will certainly shake things up. The current inequality is indefensible and can’t be allowed to continue. If it is not going to be addressed willingly through consensus, then it’ll have to be addressed by other means – but it will be addressed one way or another.

    I have voted DA in the past because I have always believed that a strong opposition is good for any democracy – but I don’t necessarily agree with their policies. For me, they are far too pro-big business and don’t have an inherent sympathy to the plight of the poor. Besides that, I feel that they too are just politicians and can’t be trusted – one only needs to look at the Chapman’s Peak fiasco to realize that they too can ride rough-shod over the will of the people.

    One thing is for certain – it’s anyone but the cANCer.

  6. Mwafrika Mwafrika 28 January 2014

    give him a whole bottle of Bells

  7. Paul Whelan Paul Whelan 28 January 2014

    I promise this is my last comment because these exchanges otherwise become circular.

    If a voter’s reason not to vote ANC is to register a ‘protest’ and, more practically, to shake the ruling party’s dominance (a jolly sound democratic objective, I might add), then it plainly cannot matter which opposition party s/he votes for. Any will do. If the result is the ANC fall below 60%, a huge point will have been made, especially in SA’s political context, and – be clear about this – changes will follow, and probably swiftly.

    The argument here is no longer that, but rather now makes the case to vote EFF. Every voter will support, oppose or be indifferent to it accordingly. That people, even our much talked-about ‘youth’, have minds of their own and are not a homogeneous mass is the basis of democracy and it reminds us Mr Malema may have made his biggest mistake to date by entering an open contest. On the other hand, think about it: he had no other choice.

    But whichever way things turn out, Mr Malema has now abandoned his ‘revolution’ for reality, for the wicked compromises of what he calls ‘neo-liberal’ democracy. Many tests and challenges lie ahead for Mr Malema. It is why this election could actually turn out to be a turning point in more ways than one, instead of the familiar foregone conclusion we have all grown used to over the years.

  8. C Stephens C Stephens 28 January 2014

    Great article, even better than the first. Stand your ground, Fighter Mike! People always point to Zimbabwe as a reason to avoid radical economic change. What about Botswana which nationalized mines and is doing well by it? Does “socialism” come to mind when you hear Botswana’s name? Or Mozambique? Where government owns 100% of the land? Its economy is growing faster than South Africa’s. As for nonracialism, I can only say that after I enthusiastically attended the Congress of the People in November 2008 COPE treated me like a spy. So last year I joined Agang and was just left hanging. Last month I joined the EFF and I got a warm same-day welcome by phone. Lastly a word about a Dream Team. I would love to see the ANC unseated by a DA-EFF coalition. Why? Because the DA should focus on reducing corruption and waste. These are bleeding resources that are needed by the poor. The EFF should focus on its economic freedom agenda. In other words, we need a Combo of right and left. Dictators are best at the rule of law and revolutions are best for redistributing wealth. I don’t want either a dictatorship or a Marxist revolution. But we do need RADICALS on both fronts. God forbid that the DA prolong neoliberalism for more decades – it is just not working in South Africa. The problem with liberals and leftists is that their change agendas loosen rule of law constraints. Let the EFF be the accelerator and the DA be the brakes. Let the people take the wheel

  9. baz baz 28 January 2014

    @ Mwafrika….Amen! to that. Interesting article.

  10. Mr. Direct Mr. Direct 28 January 2014

    Do we really want to vote for party leaders that focus on fighting corruption charges rather than corruption itself?

    Do we want to vote for party leaders that cannot manage their own finances, never mind that of the country?

    Do we want to vote for party leaders that preach to be on the side of the poor, but have feathered their nests with opulence instead?

    Surely when it walks like a duck, looks like a duck, and quacks like a duck, there is a very good chance it is a duck.

    Don’t we all deserve better than this? Don’t we want leaders that are beyond reproach? Don’t we want leaders that we can look at with a sense of pride? Don’t we want leaders that we do not need to make excuses for?

    I am sorry to say, political parties that cannot push a leader to the fore that is not tainted by corruption charges and shady dealings does not deserve my vote.

    I just cannot see myself voting for the ANC or the EFF, no matter what they promise in their election campaign.

  11. george orwell george orwell 28 January 2014

    Kudos Mr Van Graan. You have the power of your convictions and argue convincingly, providing back-up evidence for your assertions.

    Indeed, the neo-liberal capitalist model does not have a good track record.

    The ‘trickle-down’ effect has never occurred. It amounts to deceptive, feel-good rhetoric that lubricates profiteering by elites.

    The 1% Wall Street banksters got bailed out by their man – Barack Obama – who thereby reneged on the “Hope and Change” he promised the 99%

    The DA revealed much about its core attitude when they backed neo-liberal capitalism’s prince, Obama, the “Freedom of the City of Cape Town’.

  12. Kgositsile Mokgosi Kgositsile Mokgosi 28 January 2014

    It is not a question of what political personalities say or what is in their manifestos. It is what they are able to do. What anyone is able to do can be assessed by his commitment, his track record and qualification (not necessarily academic). The ANC has had 20 years in government and it’s track record is there for everyone to see.
    In my book only if people have self confidence and see themselves as much more worthy than what their circumstances appear to suggest can there be a way forward in terms of bridging the gap. Worse in SA state of poverty is too closely intertwined with blackness. Therefore without any effort to lift people out of their current mindset we can never bridge the gap. At the end of the day it is ordinary people’s attitude that will change things. Most of the parties bidding to become government seem to be manned by people only interested in securing their incomes.
    We can talk about all the neo-liberal, left, socialist or whatever, the solution lies in changing the mindset of people. Those in government will never allow such education because their legitimacy depends on votes from blind loyalist.
    Hopefully this voting for EFF is not a similar obsession

  13. Yaj Yaj 28 January 2014

    @ Mike good discussion. EFF could be a good tactical protest vote.
    @ george orwell, you are quite right.

    However we need pragmatic alternatives to the neoliberal paradigm and this must be based on a profound understanding of how our debt-based finance system of compound interest and fractional reserve banking is the root cause of our socioeconomic problems.

    This is why we need monetary and banking reform : either 100% reserve banking and public credit as proposed by Positive Money http://www.positivemoney.org.uk or a Public Banking system as advocated by Ellen Brown , the head of thje Public Banking Institute http://www.publicbanksolution.com

    We also need to replace income tax and VAT with the more progressive , efficient and unavoidable levy on all financial transactions .

    We also need a Land Value Tax to help resolve our land issues in an intelligent and progressive way see http://www.sacprif.org.za as advocated by SA Constitutional Property Rights Foundation based on the progressive ideas of Henry George.

    Let’s nor forget the need for a universal unconditional basic citizen’s income as advocated by Black Sash, and at one time by COSATU.

  14. Charlotte Charlotte 28 January 2014

    So the advice here is to jump from the frying pan into the fire – and worse!
    My vote goes to Mr. Direct: He says it right: NO VOTE for the ANC or EFF .

    NO VOTE for corruption, get-out-of-jail-free cards, fake promises, unqualified inept leaders, jobs for pals,expensive cars, Nkandla, self enrichment and ‘bugger the poor and the voting fodder’, blatant racism, the ‘Secrecy’ Bill, lots of talk and expensive get-togethers and nothing to show for it.
    NO VOTE for out-of-control crime, rape and murder.
    NO VOTE for education, health and justice systems, transport, police and the mines – which have all been run into the ground

    My vote goes to an Opposition party with leaders who are honest, hardworking, ethical, who share fundamental qualities of integration, vision and integrity; who have no charges hanging over their heads, or are guilty of not paying tax, or wasting or stealing taxpayers’s money – leaders who are mannerly, dignified, worthy of respect and have a track record which shows they are capable of leadership.

    My political ‘opposition’ vote, with the added stature of Dr. Ramphela Mamphele, is obvious.
    The DA/Agang coming together and their shared vision gives one hope for a South African non-racial, equal opportunity country for all. It makes Nelson Mandela’s dream a reality – not parties like the ANC or EFF that refute and negate everything he worked for and stood for.

  15. Rory Short Rory Short 28 January 2014

    The only way that society is really changed for the better is when people of proven moral principles are elected into office. If you can’t see this in any political party then spoil your ballot, that too is a vote.

  16. Momma Cyndi Momma Cyndi 28 January 2014

    Whilst you could possibly put Mac out of a job, you still have not said HOW they will do anything different and make it both sustainable and workable.

  17. Garg Unzola Garg Unzola 29 January 2014

    @Rory:
    Nay, nay. One way to fix the flawed idea of choosing our leaders with a popularity contest is to make it politically viable for the wrong kind of people to do the right things. Sticking around and voting for the right guy is what makes American politics such a disaster.

    A huge problem in South Africa is that politicians get away with anything. This is not an ANC problem but a general problem that the DA isn’t doing much to avoid because it serves their interests too.

    I fear that the ANC would take another election, but I somehow fear the prospects of the DA micro-managing the country like they micro-manage Cape Town even more. Viewed in this light, a vote for the EFF is perhaps not such a ludicrous idea.

  18. Truth? Truth? 29 January 2014

    At the very least, thanks for your openness to engage without resorting to tit-for-tat destructive dialogue. I don’t think it ill be a bad thing for young Julius to get into parliament. He will have to learn the structured ropes of political engagement and perhaps, just perhaps he might beign to see how completely out of whack many of his claims and assertions are. He might begin to reflect on how politics works in the big pond. He was an ANC puppet and when they were finished they threw him away. Despite all of his shortcomings I found that rather crude. Like Zuma the ANC was his “family” and perhaps the only sure foundation in his life. It must have hurt like hell. However, he loves to ride the gravy train and he has taken to the trappings of power like a duck to water. Unless he matures I cannot discount the very real probablilty that he will be used again (in similar manner to our current leadership situation.) Underneath it though I believe he has a genuine love for his country and a desire to make it work. The question is whether that will ever take prescedence over his love of luxury and power. He is a prime example of the cult of the personality.

  19. MrK MrK 29 January 2014

    Mike van Graan,

    “The EFF is opportunistic; for example, see its alliance with the IFP.”

    So why should any former ANC voter turn away from the EFF because of it’s contact with the IFP, and then turn towards the DA, which is an alliance that includes the NP?

    (See comments.)

  20. proactive proactive 29 January 2014

    Does it not ring alarm bells?

    Without a moral compass and the countries Constitution, a party’s manifesto needs to pass the test of ethics compared to its overarching Constitution first.

    A manifesto by any group assuming it a heroic and moral deed based on their personal viewpoints and interpretations- might turn out to be immoral and unethical when measured against the existing Constitution!

    The values of the Constitution are rubbished by those seeking power using Leninist doctrine that underlies this “National Democratic Revolution”. Judges are already tagged as “counter-revolutionaries” etc! They will show contempt instead to govern in accordance with the values of the Constitution. Keep on gambling?

  21. Nkopane Nkopane 31 January 2014

    This stands out for me: “Those who often take the moral high ground on corruption, display much less fervour with regard to the moral challenges of poverty and inequality, mainly because they are generally well-off”. Very intrestig analysis, you really have given this a deep thought. Totally clear, quite to the point and fresh.

  22. MrK MrK 1 February 2014

    ““By voting for the EFF, you will be empowering Malema who is a rising tyrant, a fascist, a demagogue who reveres Mugabe and a non-democrat in that he has not been elected by party members.””

    Lots of people admire President Mugabe – because they understand what actually happened in and to Zimbabwe, however much the corporate media tries to drown out the facts, and insists on creating a deeply racist charicature, just so they won’t have to admit that the way forward is land redistribution and some form of indigenisation – I would say nationalize the key strategic industries of banking and mining, if you want to have any democracy at all. They can’t even admit that African people can farm as well, let alone better than anyone else. So how are they going to be part of the solution?

    If you want a government that is responsive to the people, and isn’t listening to anyone else, including ‘foreign investors’ instead, ‘we the people’ must own the strategic sectors of the economy. It is a pre-requisite of democracy itself.

    Where are the South African people today, without land redistribution?
    That is why Julius Malema has a following.

  23. MrK MrK 1 February 2014

    From Bloomberg, and please explain how the DA can compromise their way around it:

    http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-11-03/mugabe-makes-zimbabwe-s-tobacco-farmers-land-grab-winners.html

    (BLOOMBERG) Mugabe Makes Zimbabwe’s Tobacco Farmers Land Grab Winners
    By Godfrey Marawanyika 2013-11-04T12:41:46

    ” Bonus Matashu points to a three-ton truck he bought for $15,000 in cash and says President Robert Mugabe’s often violent program of seizing white-owned farms and giving them to black Zimbabweans turned around his life.

    “This is the best thing that could have happened to me and my family and the generality of black Zimbabweans,” the former machine operator said at his six-hectare (15-acre) farm near the tobacco-farming town of Karoi, 93 miles north of the capital, Harare. “I now lead a far better life.”

    Matashu, 34, was allocated land by the government in 2001 after a white-owned farm was seized and its former owner emigrated to South Africa, he said in an Oct. 18 interview. He grew cotton for a decade before switching to tobacco. This year he earned $34,000 and won an award for being the best small-scale tobacco farmer in Karoi. “

  24. Graham Graham 2 February 2014

    If I was unemployed, knew that I have a good following, and realize that as an MP I would get a R1million a year salary, I would also start a random political party.

  25. Loyiso Loyiso 5 February 2014

    Great piece once again Mike…people are still missing your point, they think you just want to vote for EFF or that you are saying people must just vote for EFF, all your backing is invisible to them, if they could only stop for a moment…and think, I have certainty in that they would begin to hear you.

    EFF is the only solution to the dictatorship of the ANC, it is not a permanent solution, but a very promising temporary one. We will look for permanent solutions thereafter.

  26. Momma Cyndi Momma Cyndi 8 February 2014

    MrK,
    PLEASE, go to Zimbabwe. Not to the ‘posh’ Harare suburbs, to Bulawayo and Hwange and the outlying areas. Speak to the people (if there are no government spies around) and find out the truth about what is going on.

  27. mulalo maphaha mulalo maphaha 11 March 2014

    I think that people will vote the party that they trust will deliver regardless your logical way of judging other parties , I thought your a thought leader not a judge..

  28. Claire Claire 7 May 2014

    inequalities of the country.
    The EFF manifesto is filled with content flaws and ill thought out plans. There are many problems with the policies it would try to implement.
    The manifesto seems very idealistic, if not fantastical. The EFF manifesto calls for radical changes like the nationalization of mines and redistribution of land and wealth. This would be very difficult to put into practice within South Africa.
    The EFF wishes to implement a socialist state but it admits in its manifesto that the South African economy is very weak. They offer no solutions for the growth of our economy. A strong economy is important for an effective socialist state as, without it, there would be no wealth to redistribute. This is stated in Karl Marx’s theory of communism which the EFF claim their promises are based on. The EFF has ignored the problem that South Africa’s economy is not strong enough to support a socialist state.
    Another issue that arises is that of incentives to work. In a socialist state, many people are not incentivised to work as wealth is already handed to them and as seen by the EFF’s promises to double minimum wage, this could be the case in South Africa. The EFF has not proposed any solutions to this problem.
    The ideas the EFF proposes are largely for the bettering of the majority of the people. The manifesto says very little about protecting South African minorities. This leads to a political concept known as the ‘tyranny of the majority’. The tyranny of the…

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