Is Zuma the end of black politics?

Matt Bai, in an article for the New York Times Sunday magazine, suggests that the rise of Barack Obama to presumptive Democratic nominee for president of the United States might well signal the end of “black politics” in that country. Black people, in accordance with Bai’s view, would, like the Irish and Italians, be swallowed up into mainstream politics and move past the question of race.

In response to the article, Mel Reeves, a black activist, asserts:

“The New York Times magazine predicts that black politics will fade into ‘mainstream’ American politics as happened with the Italians and Irish, conveniently forgetting that ‘the Irish and Italian machines were white!’ Moreover, the article seems to maintain that ‘electoral politics is the primary form of black political struggle’ when ‘the most significant black struggle has occurred in the streets’. Black electoral politicians aren’t rated too highly in the ‘hood. If asked to name black heroes off the top of their heads, most blacks would instantly nominate Martin Luther King Jnr and Malcolm X — neither of whom held elective office.”

When Obama made his famous speech on racism at Philadelphia, he was at pains to point out his understanding of the problems facing both black and white in terms of poverty. He pointed the finger at a common enemy, using Washington as his symbol for the vested interest groups working against the “oppressed”. This was a calculated move designed to bridge the racial divide and move the question away from a racial struggle to one of class.

In terms of the election, this will make Obama far more palatable to the white electorate but in no way signals even the beginning of the beginning of the end of race politics in the US. If anything, the voting trends among the black electorate confirm that race is considered far more important than gender and that policies play a secondary role. The polls suggest that the overwhelming favourite in the presidential race against the Republicans, among black voters, is Obama, which was the case when he came up against Hillary Clinton.

Obama is seen as a symbol of the African-American community and a triumph over the obstacles that impede its progress even now. This does not mean that the question of a class struggle, and not one of race, is not coming to the fore, but simply that the one does not preclude the other and that the struggle against race still dominates class in the pecking order.

In terms of his article “Justice is indivisible”, Blade Nzimande of the SACP sets out the following :

“To fight for the respect of our institutions of criminal justice, however, does not mean that these institutions are sufficiently transformed and will always act in the best interests of all in society. They need to be transformed. For us, the appointment of blacks and women (as prosecutors, judges, high-ranking police and judicial officers etc) is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the transformation of the institutions of our criminal justice system. A fundamental requirement for total transformation is the building of a legal dispensation whose values and practices advances the basic goals of our democracy, tackling class, national and gender inequalities in our society.

“There is therefore no contradiction between a fair and impartial judicial system, and its orientation and bias towards advancing these fundamental goals of our revolution. In fact, the fundamental condition for a fair justice system is its transformation. In other words it must be a justice system that is not oriented towards elites and their agendas, but a justice system that prioritises the advancement of the poor, the marginalised and to eradicate all vestiges of apartheid and unequal (class) access to basic human rights and the legal system itself.”

Eric Naki of the Sowetan, in an article titled “Whither ANC-Cosatu links?”, writes:

“Two contradictory statements have been mouthed by tripartite alliance leaders on the economic policy stance the ANC will follow after the 2009 general elections: that ‘nothing will change’ and that ‘something will have to change’.

“If these opposing statements are a sign of the way relations will be between the next ANC government and Cosatu when the post-Polokwane leadership assumes power next year, let’s brace ourselves for a blood-on-the-floor scenario for the next few years.”

Nzimande is absolutely right when he says that true transformation comprises uplifting the overwhelming majority of our people, not just an elite. Notwithstanding, the current dividing line in South African politics runs through race, with a smidgeon of class struggle thrown in, as we witnessed during the xenophobic violence.

What is going to be interesting to see is whether the economic and social policies that organised labour and the ANC “left” are proposing will achieve better delivery to our masses and occasion any material shift from the strong emphasis on race towards policy.

Perhaps of even greater interest will be the situation where these policies are called into question.

As we know, the centrist ANC and Cosatu have been at odds over economic policies for a while now. What cannot be in dispute is that we have seen an economy under Mbeki that demonstrated sustained growth, with non-delivery to our masses owing more to wastage, corruption and a misguided approach to Zimbabwe than any misdirection in policy.

What will happen if the policies of the left wing of the ANC and labour are implemented with a sharp decrease in growth amid the same or even worse wastage, corruption and Eskom-like debacles? This may be as a result of policies or even factors that are beyond their control.

Is there even a remote possibility that the rudder on economic policy would be quickly centred to steady the ship? Does anyone envisage a flood of ministerial resignations, prosecutions against a new generation of fat cats or (heaven forbid) return of the money that is stolen or lost through mismanagement?

While I appreciate the collective approach of the ANC, I think it is now safe to assume that the collective left is replacing the collective centre. It is also clear that the collective left has shown little desire to reign in any militancy from its alliance partners, the ANC Youth League or anyone else who shows total disregard for the principles or out-of-favour leaders of the party — at least until they have achieved the goals of the collective left, that is.

Indeed, the more unified the party claims to be, the more divided its conduct becomes with words and deeds apparently disassociating themselves from one another. Perhaps the Russians took a leaf out of their book; the more ceasefires they agree and peace treaties they sign, the closer their tanks move on Tbilisi.

Accordingly, what would happen if Jacob Zuma as president of South Africa is confronted with a situation that requires him to reign in members of the party and go head to head with labour in order to preserve the economy and ensure delivery to the masses? Would he be prepared to call Cosatu, the SACP and ANCYL to order and would they heed the call?

This as opposed to holding out delivery as a Mugabe-like stripping of the country’s assets and handing them out like party favours to the faithful. On current form the prognosis does not look very hopeful, does it? When things go pear-shaped, it seems to be that it is the media, rather than the conduct that gives rise to the reporting, who are blamed for any problems. Perhaps stifle the media, then hold out the Mugabe-like distribution in order not to upset the masses. Well, at least until they find out.

Which leaves our future divide where?

A race struggle? A race and/or class struggle?

Another faction struggle within the party with the ANC centre retaking the initiative?

Not if the media aren’t able to tell the masses what the collective left are doing. In that case, will it be a struggle between the whole country against the forces of colonialism and imperialism? (Shops inundated with orders for Don Quixote costumes?)

Or, worst-case scenario, another Zimbabwe with the elite confronted by infinitely more powerful masses than anything Mugabe ever faced, outraged at another failure to deliver on election promises?

With the overwhelming majority of our countrymen and -women being black, let us hope and pray that sooner rather than later we will see politics with the emphasis on policy rather than race.

The end of black and white politics in South Africa.