Have I got the wrong end of the brolly?

I purposely stood back and watched the events of Polokwane unfold before trying to put together some sort of semi-rational analysis — not easy when you read some of the articles in the overseas press. They snatch at words or terms used in the run-up to the conference and create a matzo pudding of note. Makes you wonder if they could find South Africa on a map.

In aggregate, I believe the ANC conference was a success for not only the party and the majority of the people of this country, but also for democracy as a whole.

I base this on the following:

As anyone in living in this country should recall, the lead-up to the conference was marked by heated debate, allegations of anything from corruption to vote rigging, and fears that the ANC would be split into two or more parties.

In some quarters, fears of civil war and even a return to tribal divisions began to emerge.

What was not understood, in my humble opinion, was that the division revolved around personalities, not policies, within the party.

This applied not only to President Mbeki but also to others such as Terror Lekota, Essop Pahad and Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka who were not even returned to the national executive committee.

Moreover, people failed to distinguish between a party conference, for this is what it was, and a government conference.

The division between the ANC, the government and the independent organs of state — for example, the National Prosecuting Authority — is vital to any understanding of what took place there.

But let’s track back to the start of the conference:

From the outset, the vociferous supporters of new ANC president Jacob Zuma made it clear that they would not be railroaded into accepting anything short of a transparent, manually counted vote.

Unlike the more sedate Tory or Labour conferences of Blackpool or Bournemouth, this was in-your-face, blood-and-guts politicking. And it was as transparent as anything you will find anywhere in the world. It was served up on television, warts and all.

Next up to the plate came President Thabo Mbeki, who gave his “State of the Party” (Nation?) address.

Regardless of the views of those who would say that Mbeki’s economic policies were a disaster or that he was an autocrat unable to work within the collective, his results, in the main, show why I have repeatedly said that he will be remembered as one of our great presidents.

He has continued on the path to transformation, overseen an economy that has grown consistently, allowed press freedom where dictators would have clamped down and — dare I say it — has been a party to the highly encouraging democratic processes that brought about his own demise.

Where else in Africa has a leader of a liberation movement, once in government, allowed himself to be overthrown by democratic forces so soon after the party achieved power?

I am and will always be a fan of the president even where his approach to crime, Aids, Zimbabwe and other policy areas left much to be desired.

The fact is that the issues facing South Africa are those of policy rather than defending the disgraceful, dehumanising continuation of apartheid.

Having addressed the party, it became apparent, listening to and reading about the views of the delegates, that Mbeki’s distance from his members, his autocratic nature and his failure to address the issue of poverty at a pace acceptable to ANC structures on the ground would prove his undoing.

While the voting and counting may have been delayed, the inevitable result of a clean sweep for Zuma and his supporters, taking all of the top six positions, was made a reality. That awful woman who missed her calling as a schoolteacher somehow managed finally to get through reading them out amid wild celebrations from the Zuma camp.

My vote for South African of the Year goes to the single genius who abstained from the vote for ANC president. If ever African Gate and Fence Work were looking for a competition to sponsor, then this has to be it.

This brought Jacob Zuma and his five fellow top-six members on to the stage, on each occasion accompanied by the outgoing member. A hug between Mbeki and Zuma was indeed welcome viewing for all South Africans who had expected Zuma to bury the hatchet in the president’s head.

Again, I would stress this was all done openly and with as much transparency as anyone could expect from any democracy the world over. In other words, everything that Zimbabwe is not. It was not only transparent but also a clear demonstration that the president of the ANC owes his power to the people on the ground.

Unlike Mugabe, Mbeki handed over the reigns of power to Zuma because voters decided that he was not carrying out their mandate.

So all that leaves is for Zuma to become president in 2009?

Not quite. Firstly we have the issue of corruption charges that have to be dealt with. The NPA has confirmed that it believes there is sufficient evidence to bring those charges. If so, then the country requires that these be dealt with sooner rather than later.

If they are to be brought, bring them; if they are to be dropped, then do so immediately. If they are allowed to fester, they will create divisions far worse than anything Polokwane could have achieved.

The NPA will be accused of interfering in politics regardless of whether it brings them or not. If it drags them out, it will be accused, by me, of being reckless to the country’s needs to find certainty at this crucial point in time.

Media speculation will fuel anger on the ground and create a climate of uncertainty that will damage not only the economy but also affect every component of our country.

The ANC has stated that while it does not have a definite strategy to deal with this eventuality, it will respond to it if needs be. Whether that is the case, which I doubt, the structure of the party, primarily the NEC, allows a smooth transition to an alternative leader. I would, however, be very surprised to learn that there is no contingency in place.

What then of Zuma?

When I met the ANC president’s people a couple of months ago, they stressed the need for people to understand that JZ is far more a team player than the president.

He enjoys enormous grassroots support, as it proved, and will implement party policy rather than create his own path — as many believed the president has. People should have regard to the party’s policies rather than JZ in understanding the direction that the ANC will be taking.

If one regards the closing speech of JZ, then much of this is borne out. He is seeking to unify the party, reaching out to the president and confirming that there will be no sudden lurch to the left.

Indeed, if we are going to study policy then it must be that of the party — which is starting to emerge and will become clearer over the coming months.

Central to that is the new NEC that was appointed. The list makes for very interesting reading, with a certain Winnie Madikizela-Mandela romping home among the 80 winners.

The NEC’s expansion from 60 to 80 is due to the need for more representation from the grassroots members who felt that the structure was overwhelmed by businessmen and career politicians.

Their task is immense:

  • Deal with poverty without losing sight of the fact that the country needs stability and investment for growth. Balance expectation from the ground and labour with factors that advance the interests of businessmen and countries.
  • Deal with crime. As JZ said, if the street committees could deal with apartheid and vigilantes, then they could make inroads into crime. Communities need to take the matter in hand where it matters — on the ground. Report crime, don’t harbour criminals, support the police and the justice system. Of course accountability by politicians and people in positions of trust is vital.
  • Deal with issues like Zimbabwe. Regardless of the article in today’s Times about JZ favouring “quiet diplomacy”, Cosatu, his chief ally, is very outspoken on this issue. It is time to stabilise the region.
  • Deal with our foreign affairs responsibly. Vote the right way, not the expedient way.
  • The list is endless.

    In terms of JZ versus Mbeki, it is a question of style rather than a change of direction. For that, the decisions will come from the party, not the president.

    Early election?

    This will depend on the president, how he responds to the new NEC and whether the party can unite sooner rather than later. My guess is that it will run to full term, and elections will be held in 2009 as scheduled.

    Overall, a triumph for democracy over despair.

    The challenges lie ahead but the foundation is solid. Whether those elected will use their mandate wisely and to benefit all South Africans is a question that only time can answer. What is clear from this conference is that if they don’t, they will be held accountable at the next conference in 2012.

    Start with uniting the party, demonstrating that unity to the country as a whole, and accepting responsibility for your errors.

    Merry Christmas and a happy New Year to all South Africans.

    (Please note that this does not extend to Manchester United supporters — even I have limits.)

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    Michael Trapido

    Michael Trapido

    Mike Trapido is a criminal attorney and publicist having also worked as an editor and journalist. He was born in Johannesburg and attended HA Jack and Highlands North High Schools. He married Robyn...

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