Towards a pan-Arab solution for Libya

By Zuki Mqolomba

The decision by UN Security apparatus to step in militarily to resolve the “Libyan crisis” has raised serious legal, moral and political questions. Concerns have been exacerbated by the marginalisation of the African Union peace roadmap, as well as the actions of UN allies in Libya, which herald a different approach to recent uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Syria.

Despite political and civic pressure for a peaceful resolution of the Libyan crisis, Western powers have showed little interest in a political resolution in resolving Libya’s “grievance dividend”. Whereas the logic of a political resolution was made clear by Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, in the Bahrain context: “We have made clear that security alone cannot resolve the challenges facing Bahrain. Violence is not the answer, a political process is.” This logic has conveniently been resisted by US/Nato security authorities.

Throughout history, empires have been built and maintained through military force or the threat of it. Undoubtedly, the scramble for control over renewable and non-renewable energy reserves remains at the thrust of UN Security Council Resolution 1973, as well as International Criminal Court’s warrant of arrest.

Militarisation of energy continues to be the order of the day with US and allied troops increasingly being (re)deployed over pipelines and refineries in places like Gulf of Guinea, Colombia, Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Georgia. Not to mention increasing aerospace presence, as well as naval presence in the Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea, South China Sea and along other sea routes that deliver oil to the “coalition of the willing”.

The “violence of peace doctrine” is definitely an extension of the military energy/industrial complex.

As we move towards a pan-Arab peace narrative, however, it is critical to point out the contradictions in Africa’s own interlocution on behalf of Libya. While the African Union (AU) should respond decisively to the Libyan inter(vasion), the AU should simultaneously and categorically rebuke atrocities against Libyan civilians by Muammar Gaddafi’s forces.

Gaddafi is by no means the anti-imperialist he claims to be. His unholy alliance with the French elite, and his support of various despots such as Charles Taylor, Idi Amin and Foday Sankoh exposes the hypocrisy of his interface with non-Arab Africa.

Our stance should by no means be interpreted as support of Gaddafi’s violent legacy in Libya. To the contrary, ours is a perspective that holds that a people have authentic rights to self-determination: just like the Tunisians and Egyptians rid themselves of dictators, Libyan people have the same capacity at articulating freedom for themselves and achieving this freedom independent of external manipulation.

The current military stalemate opens meaningful space for a pan-Arab resolve on the matter. The support of the AU’s roadmap (as apologist as it is) by countries like Turkey is encouraging and ought to be demanded of other emerging economies.

Questions of legitimacy versus legalisation must remain at the heart of any resolution. It is important to remember the strategic locus of “political Islam” versus the “pan-Arab” narrative, as well as the strategic importance of the Arab League as “player” and “pawn”.

The Arab League has served as an important proxy of “indigenous consensus”, particularly in light of the accusations that the war in Afghanistan was a proxy war symbolising a clash of civilisations between the West and East.

Now that reports confirm a lack of consensus among the Arab League itself, as well as the Brics members, including those who initially voted in favour of UN resolution 1973, the AU must capitalise on the opportunity to build meaningful solidarities and “foster peace through consent” by brokering a political compact for peace.

The AU should dismiss with contempt any strategy devised to sway a resolve based on popular expression, including efforts on the part of International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo that might derail this process and increase the barriers of negotiation in Libya.

The AU should capitalise on the willingness of rebel chief Mahmoud Jibril to engage in meaningful dialogue with Libya’s ruling elite. Giving due credence to legitimate national grievances of all aggrieved segments, while asserting Libya’s rights to determine for itself what it wants to make of its shared destiny.

Zuki Mqolomba is completing an MA at the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex. She’s a scholar activist with a keen interest in the programmes of the African Union Commission and the United Nations.