Today is the first day of our democracy

Today is the first day of our democracy.

Polokwane has been seminal. The African National Congress is no longer an idealised liberation movement, but is now just a political party and as such it has to pull finger and perform. Effective work must begin to balance the interests of the rich and the poor.

It is clear from this ANC conference that the anger caused by ongoing inequity and deepening poverty is profound, and if we don’t address it, this nation will be turned upside down.

What a shame that the Democratic Alliance responded like a bunch of peeved, blue-rinse liberals bemoaning the singing and chanting of delegates. Sometimes, Ms Zille, if polite requests to be heard are ignored by a leadership grown arrogant, then they should not be surprised if a populace exerts its democratic right to shout.

There can be no doubt we are in for a rough ride. Delivery becomes paramount. To do that, we need an early election; there cannot be a lame-duck government, rejected by those within its own ranks and at odds with those who now command Luthuli House. South Africa cannot afford another 18 months of division and retarded delivery; we run the real risk of conflict on the streets.

Zuma as president of the country will have to amend labour laws. It has to be easy to fire non-performing bureaucrats. The government has allocated significant sums to transform this economy, but too much is rolled over because bureaucrats at all levels of government and in parastatals lack the technical expertise to implement. The reasons are numerous; part of it is that the economy has grown faster than we have been able to train effective new managers.

In 1994, it was predicted that South Africa would need 235 000 managers by 2000 at a growth rate of 1% to 2%, but with existing economic growth of above 4% the economy has been unable to develop good managers fast enough.

Nor is our long-term prognosis good. Education Minister Naledi Pandor, who will hopefully get the boot, told Parliament this year that fewer than half of those who begin high school complete it. In 2003, just fewer than half of those who began high school in 1999 (675 132) made it to matric (322 492). Recent international surveys showed that South Africa ranks last in terms of our primary-school children being able to read or comprehend in their home language; maths and science skills for our children are similarly perilous. Little wonder when there are not enough textbooks in schools for children, and teachers underperform.

The World Bank’s Investment Climate Survey, issued last December, shows that South Africa trains only 44,6% of skilled workers, compared with 77,3% of skilled workers receiving ongoing training in Brazil, 69,1% in China, 55% in India and 78,9% in Poland.

We’re not sufficiently serious about equity if we do not give our workforce the tools to be excellent. And quotas won’t do it.

The worst decision to come out of Polokwane so far is a decision to have a 50-50 gender balance in Parliament. A third of parliamentary seats are at present reserved for women, and while such a gesture was important to establish a principle at the start of democracy, an examination of the performance of those women is cause for despair. They, for the most part, have done little or nothing about gender violence or greater rights for women or the protection of children, but for misguided approaches to Film and Publications Board legislation and a new Sexual Offences Act that makes kissing between teenagers under the age of 16 an offence. (Imagine, the first nation in the world where you cannot legally be kissed until older than 16, although you can have an abortion or seek contraception at age 12 without telling your parents. What do these lawmakers smoke?)

Quotas entrench mediocrity. By the time we have our next national election, we should be voting for excellence in candidates, not for gender or race or any other categories. Heaven forbid the ANC conference accepts a call for a women’s ministry; there is nothing like a women’s ministry to ensure that women’s issues are completely marginalised and placed on the back burner.

What the events at Polokwane should have told us is that the time for symbols is over. What is needed now is real governance; concerted attempts at unity; a demand for performance in the workplace; and an economy that provides the fuel to ensure equity can be delivered.

Job creation will accelerate if companies can fire more non-performing workers instead of the almost jobs-for-life situation that slack workers have now, protected as they are by an array of laws that hinder excellence and economic growth. Zuma can balance stronger action against non-performing workers — a move the unions will resist; unless the first to get the chop are lazy Cabinet members and highly paid executives. The unions may be stilled if services improve; if people have the privilege of a tap in their home or yard that, if opened, sees clean water spill out.

Promises must become actions.

Zuma and his deputies will move fast to try to unite the ruling party. He will be backed by the two most important figures in his new team — Mathews Phosa and Kgalema Motlanthe.

Phosa, the new ANC treasurer general, is a lawyer and a businessman. He was Zuma’s deputy in ANC intelligence and is the man he most trusts. Together they investigated the assassination of Chris Hani for the ANC and tried to pose a counter to Mbeki in the 1999 election for president. Phosa was an excellent premier of Mpumalanga and after Mbeki removed him post-1999, the province began collapsing into mismanagement and corruption.

Phosa is a good family man; he is profoundly ethical, writes poetry in Afrikaans and chaired the Afrikaanse Sakekamer. He lives his belief of the ANC’s old commitment to non-racialism and non-sexism.

Motlanthe proved impressive at conference. A former highly respected secretary general of the National Union of Mineworkers and SG of the ANC in recent years, he has a quiet, humble style. He is ethical and critical of the way ANC standards have slumped.

Thandi Modise is tough and pragmatic and highlight women’s issues at the NEC.

This week did not see the romantic vote of 1994, nor the acceptance of a “crown prince” (Mbeki) that voters sheep-like endorsed in 1999. This week we saw democracy born in fire — anger toward a liberation movement becoming classically African autocratic.

This week, South African civil society woke up.

If this is where you belong, if Africa is where you heart is, as Karen Blixen wrote in her oft-repeated lines, then after you’ve put your holidays behind you, you need to help build the South Africa you believe you deserve. This democracy will work if you make the effort.

Look at the rest of the world and an array of deadbeat “leaders”, give thanks for the good we have and work on achievement. This does not mean criticism must be stilled; it is essential — but not whining. We need more informed, unifying comment.

In Sweden I once told a taxi driver I was an African. He turned in his seat and saw my pale blonde hair and blue eyes. But “you’re white”, he said.

“Yes,” I acknowledged, “bleached by the sun.”

I am an African, bleached by the sun. This is my home; we have another chance to make this democracy work. We dare not blow it.