Julius Malema’s ‘kill for Zuma’ comments managed to turn yawns into wide-mouthed dismay for even the most jaded amongst us. With Mugabe terrorizing his own and the attacks on foreign African nationals (aka xenophobic attacks) still fresh in our minds, the comments seemed rather callous to say the least.
The book (not the Bible, rather the Constitution) was thrown at him, the Human Rights Commission (HRC) issued ultimatum after ultimatum in search of an apology, and gullible but upstanding citizens gathered publicly abhorred the violence-stirring comments.
Comments ranging from “Malema should focus on real issues” and “he should stop trying to be a brainless revolutionary”, to “Malema embodies all that is rotten about the ANC” have been unceremoniously pouring into all major newspapers, except of course the Daily Sun (talk is that they plan on honoring him).
But whether we like it or not, Malema’s comments managed to cement him into the imagination of mostly apathetic South Africans, even managing to surpass the efforts of his predecessors. Indeed, former ANCYL President Fikile Mbalula’s racist comments about the UKZN Westville campus resembling Mumbai seems like a compliment in comparison.
Indeed, we can all understand Malema’s plight considering elections are close and he needs to stand out as an important, vocal arse-licker. But did he have to resort to such outlandishly dirty tactics?
Of course he had to. He is young, spirited, and needs that tender before he’s thirty.
Malema’s agenda is mostly easy to understand. He is way too dim-witted to understand the hidden text.
But Zwelinzima Vavi?
How are we to understand this guy’s strident agreement with Malema’s comments? As an esteemed leader of the working class, what exactly does Vavi seek to achieve by supporting, even adding further artillery to Malema’s repulsive comments?
Quite a lot, actually.
Vavi, Cosatu and the SACP have invested far too much of their energy, aspirations and hope in Zuma for some Mickey Mouse thing, like corruption charges or the rule of law to come and spoil their party.
There is no way in hell (a place very similar to Zimababwe) that Cosatu would accept any one linked to Mbeki as president when the ANC goes to the polls next year.
But with Zuma having won the ANC elections in Polokwane last year, he could easily direct his puppets from Westville prison (or which ever ward Schabir Shaik is in), meaning that Mbeki is totally out of the picture.
But *yawn* we know this already.
So if Zuma will retain some sort of power, come what may, then why are Vavi and all these illegitimate children of the left throwing their toys out of their cots, screaming about killing and shooting and talking about a revolution (read with Tracy Chapman tune)?
Indeed, what if Vavi’s comments were not directed to the prosecutors, the judiciary, the HRC and the peanut gallery — and directed to Zuma himself?
After the emergence of the corruption charge and rape case, duly followed by Thabo Mbeki’s upstanding decision (read convenient) to ask him to stand down (the world took a bow in naïve appreciation), Zuma lost his job and became an unemployed hero (like 40% of South Africans).
Suddenly his unemployed status, charisma and SUV made him man of the hour and icon of the left (how exactly this happened is anybody’s guess — but do consult your local sociologist for a theory).
While Zuma was celebrated and lauded as South Africa’s possible answer to Hugo (not Victor), he continued to whore his ideals out to the highest bidder, and did so without respite. Here he was showing a leg at a Cosatu rally, there dropping his neckline at corporate meetings, and there again joining the mile high club with representatives of international monetary institutions. While it was always clear that he was no real hero of the left, the leverage granted from victory at Polokwane, the confidence to settle down.
But of late, Zuma has been drifting away from workers, his rhetoric showing all the signs of a disinterest in real solidarity with the left. Just a few days ago, Zuma admitted once more — this time to the Financial Times — that he had no intention of changing South Africa’s economic policy.
Not only has Zuma publicly indicated his commitment to not interfere with business’ plans for world domination, he no longer considers it necessary to counter this with some pro-labour utterance. So Cosatu sits like an expectant dog anxiously waiting to be stroked, its ears erect, awaiting remembrance and legitimation, but none is forthcoming.
But Vavi and now Blade Nzimande have finally realised that Zuma has chosen sides: the other side. With a global recession looming (if not already here), Cosatu most definitely cannot afford Zuma jumping ship, not now.
Through his “because Jacob Zuma is one of us, and he is one of our leaders, for him, we are prepared to lay our lives [sic] and to shoot and kill”, Vavi sends a message to Zuma: don’t you dare forget us.
Indeed Malema is too burdened by his own oversized ego, too drawn to the gold chain image of an embattled ghetto hip hop star to catch the drift. But he’ll get his BEE tender, he’ll join the premier league next year and secure his financial future. So while Malema plays Julius, playing to the gallery of hungry ANC tadpoles, Vavi appears to have recognized an opportunity to send a nuanced note to his estranged lover (even if it meant Jody Kollapen would be on his tail).
But again, the problem is that such comments undermine the South African judicial system, and of functioning socio-political institutions, which normally signals the beginning of the end. The way to banana republics is littered with discarded constitutionally protecting institutions.
So the real tragedy is that while Vavi’s comments might be a hidden warning, with a message directed at Zuma as much as to his detractors, they also indicate, almost by perverted default, a willingness to kill and die, that is to manufacture some arbitrary revolution, for someone they know is not really destined to lead them out of bondage.
No wonder Zuma is silent.