Be aggressive, BEE aggressive

Submitted by Marius Redelinghuys

As a white male in South Africa, I usually encounter raised eyebrows on both extremes of the racial divide when I articulate my support for BEE and AA, with Afrikaner white people labelling me a traitor and sell-out, and along with black people calling me a gatkruiper or arse-kisser. Regardless, I support in principle the policy initiatives of AA and BEE, for various reasons.

First, with 79% of South Africa’s 44-million inhabitants being “black Africans” and 50% of South Africans living below the poverty line (according to the CIA World Factbook), I find it difficult to believe that the vast majority of poor South Africans are not black and not experiencing those socio-economic conditions due to the pervasive legacy of the racially motivated discriminatory and exclusivist policies of apartheid.

Second, economic stability and redistribution of wealth is in the benefit of all South Africans, regardless of skin colour. To ensure the security and stability of the economy, it is vital that the incredible income inequality and gap between rich and poor be combated by effectively empowering previously excluded racial and ethnic groups.

To prevent the increasing “youth bulge” in South Africa from translating into mass uprisings over unemployment, poverty and lack of food, attention should be given to redressing the socio-economic, political and cultural inequalities of the past. This is particularly in the interest of the “propertied” and materially affluent “white” South Africans.

I also believe that poverty is human rights issue, as poverty robs 50% of the population of their basic rights to dignity; personal security; freedom of trade, occupation and profession; property; housing; access to healthcare; food and water; social security; and, most importantly, the right to education. Therefore poverty is a constitutional and moral issue that demands serious and intense attention not only from the government, but also from all groups in society.

Therefore, to the extent that poverty threatens economic stability and material security, poses a threat to human rights and is a constitutional issue, I do not support untransformed business. I do believe that AA and BEE, if executed effectively (and not in the neo-patrimonial and prebendal manner it has been done up till now), provides one way for ensuring economic consolidation of the vast majority of South Africans and contributes to the construction of a country in which everyone, regardless of race or sex, can have equal interchange on all levels of social existence.

I do not agree with those sections of South African society who argue that, after 14 years of democracy, AA and BEE have become redundant because of the formal equality of all South African citizens, for three reasons:

1. Formal equality, as political and legal equality, does not automatically translate into equality of opportunity and social equality. A free, fair and democratic election does not overthrow the legacy of a system that subjugated and exploited the vast majority for decades; it merely kick-starts the process and allows for a government to initiate policies and programmes to redress socio-economic inequality.

2. As mentioned, the implementation of AA and BEE has thus far not managed to ensure the redistribution of wealth to the masses and those most in danger and in need of it. At best, AA and BEE have consolidated a black elite and resulted in a patronage system, one that is open to abuse and malpractice. This is illustrated, for example, in the use of “BEE puppets”.

3. A democratic election, government and Constitution do not guarantee the successful destruction or elimination of racism, and specifically do not combat institutionalised or structural racism and its consequences for the socio-economic well-being of previously disadvantaged and excluded groups. To illustrate:

The average white person studying at a university or attending a school in this country has an entire institutionalised and entrenched support base in the form of resources such as access to computers and the internet, proper nutrition, shelter, clothing and other basic services such as electricity and water to ensure effective and successful education. Furthermore, the single greatest reason for a student to drop out of university is a lack of funds. It is therefore very difficult to believe that three democratic elections will address all of these structural and institutional difficulties facing black Africans today.

The measure for the continued need for policies such as AA and BEE, in my view, can be found in a simple question: “Is your financial, social, academic, political and economic position related to your skin colour?” In this regard, as the child of working-class parents facing severe financial constraints, I can say that while life has definitely not been easy, the mere fact that I am white and in an existence of “white privilege” cannot be dismissed as a factor in having access to proper schools and the ability to study at a university. I am not dismissing hard work and merit, but I am not going to underplay the significance of a healthy, comfortable and stable home environment either.

Equally important, regarding crime, it is very difficult to dismiss the relationship between criminal activity and poverty — especially with regard to subsistence crimes (not necessarily violent and organised crime). In combating crime, addressing the socio-economic legacy of apartheid and the roots of the problem — not merely its manifestation (in the form of robberies and hijackings) — should be the long-term concern of government and non-governmental organisations.

In conclusion, I believe that the economic and social consolidation of black Africans in South Africa should not only be a priority of every South African and the government as a whole, but it also ought to be a moral issue as it relates to human rights and the values embodied in the South African Constitution — the cornerstone of a democratic, free and fair society.

Marius Redelinghuys is a third-year political science student at the University of Pretoria. His study of international relations and political science has its roots in an intense interest in these fields, specifically public policy-making and contemporary issues in South African politics. He also enjoys actively engaging in discussion and debate surrounding issues of racial and social transformation in a post-apartheid South Africa, with the hope of collectively building a better future for all