If there ever were a case for pre-publication editing (not censorship), it would be the series of articles that have appeared on ANC Today called A Fundamental Revolutionary Lesson: The Enemy Manoeuvres But It Remains the Enemy.
It is not that I disagree with the arguments being made; it is that I am not sure if I understand these arguments. And, before we can take a critical stance on issues, we need to decipher the political speak in these articles. The reason why I think the articles require some pre-publication editing are that they are so verbose and jargonised that they are ineffective communication — and communication for the elite. Clearer language would help greatly, as ANC Today provides a rare insight into the thoughts of the thinkers in the ANC.
I have thus taken the first few paragraphs from the articles and tried to write them simply, and provide a thought or two. (And, no, I am not bored; yes, I have work to do.)
The original version reads as follows:
We would like to begin this last article in this series by quoting what we said in the first article. That first article said:
“It is a fundamental truism of all revolutions that to guarantee its victory, every revolution must learn to defend itself. Necessarily, the task to lead the struggle for the defence of any revolution falls squarely on the shoulders of both the vanguard formation and the masses which constituted the combat troops of the victorious revolution.
“This task cannot be delegated to any other organisation or to different fractions of the masses of the people. Neither should we, as revolutionary democrats, expect approval or judge our success on the basis of endorsement by our historical opponents. This fundamental law of revolution, in all its elements, also applies to our national democratic revolution.
“This means that our movement, the ANC, and the multi-class black masses whose struggle and sacrifices led to the historic political victory of 1994, have the obligation to defend their victory and use this success to build the national democracy focused on the creation of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa, depending on their own strength.”
In the series we have reflected on some of the challenges our movement faces from both the “left” and the right. Below we continue to reflect on these challenges as well as what our movement must do effectively to respond to these.
Our movement held an important conference in Kabwe, Zambia, in 1985. In his political report to the conference, our late president, Oliver Tambo, commented on some of the challenges that faced our movement at that time. In this concluding article, we will quote this political report extensively because of the critical importance today of many of the positions that OR Tambo and the rest of the leadership of our movement advanced 22 years ago.
The copy-edited version is below:
As we argued in the previous article, every revolution must learn to defend itself if it is to be successful. Both the leaders and the people have the responsibility to defend the revolution. The task of defending the revolution is the responsibility of democrats.
As democrats — holding a higher moral ground — we should not judge ourselves based on approval of our historical opponents. The ANC and blacks from every class have the obligation to defend the victory to build a united, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa.
These articles are a reflection of our challenges, and what we must do in response. The comments made by the late president Oliver Tambo in 1985, at the historic Kabwe conference, has importance for us today. In this article we will quote from the political report of Tambo, due to its significance.
My thoughts on these paragraphs:
Who are the vanguard formations? There is no reason to assume that the ANC is part of the vanguard and will always be so. Rather, the ANC must construct its role as the leader of the national democratic revolution. That’s called being an activist organisation.
Does this mean that revolutionary democrats can never be wrong? Alas, I cannot be a revolutionary democrat because I am constantly wrong.
I wonder if the formulation that the working class as a motive force of the struggle applies. I think that the Kabwe conference endorsed the working class as the motive force for the revolution. I wonder if all multi-class blacks are the new motive force.
I wonder if the “enemy” in 1985 is the same as today.
How can you build a non-racial society if only blacks must defend gains? Surely, whites have a role and a responsibility as well?
I wonder if I have understood the argument.
I wonder if a copy editor in the ANC earns well.
That’s it for now. Or as we might say, at this over-determined conjuncture I will make a tactical retreat :)
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